The following is a pamphlet about the land struggle in Chilili, New Mexico in 1976.
(Thanks to the one in the Chicano Movement group in Facebook for scanning this in the first place. )
The pamphlet was put out by La Federación Land Committee, affiliated with La Alianza group in New Mexico, known for Reies Lopez Tijerina. By that time La Alianza Federal de las Mercedes and Tijerina were involved in a change in politics that had much internal struggle. With that, I do not have any more information about the group behind the pamphlet.
Some research online about this turns up this following polemic from the August 29th Movement. They were a Marxist-Leninist group that came out of the Chicano Movement, and upheld a line on the Chicano Nation in their book Fan The Flames: A Revolutionary Position on the Chicano National Question. They were around during the New Communist Movement, a series of party building efforts in the United States in the aftermath of the New Left in the 1970s. These groups were known mostly for sectarian excesses, and ATM was no different, as shown here from this passage of the writing, titled: “Editorial: Practice Marxism Not Revisionism
ATM Cadre Reject Splitters.”
What did the revisionist line of the splitters lead to in practice? Their narrow nationalist line led them to glorify the role of the peasantry, ignoring the leading role of the proletariat and Marxist-Leninists. In the Chilili land struggle, for example, they never distributed the REVOLUTIONARY CAUSE or any other Marxist-Leninist literature; the role of the proletariat was reduced to support resolutions by a few unions. They never once even mentioned the worldwide danger of Soviet Social Imperialism. Flowing naturally from their line, the splitters completely failed to bring class consciousness to the people of Chilili. After many months of supposed “Communist” work by ATM, the villagers of Chilili told us they were only fighting for their land grand and did not understand the question of a Chicano Nation and Communism.
Yep, the “worldwide danger of Soviet Social Imperialism” was of utmost importance to organize around the land grant struggle. It goes further in finding fault with the cadre attempting to organize in this area for further deviations, calling them “splitters.” The editorial writers even bemoan the splitters for making them falsely report a mass turnout for a court solidarity when there were few who showed up, blaming the splitters for not organizing the masses. Go ahead and read the rest if you are a fan of archaic polemical style of the New Communist Movement. It didn’t help for me that I just watched again “Monty Python Life of Brian.” Overall, this led to a split in ATM in June 1977.
The ATM later merged with other groups, most of them non-white led, to form the League of Revolutionary Struggle in 1978. The title of the second issue of their journal “Forward” with a date of August 1979 was devoted to the struggle for Chicano liberation, at least their view of it. Here is a picture from this issue that day. Note the banner in the background says “Self-Determination for the Chicano Nation.”
I am currently doing research on the August 29th Movement, and its impact on the Chicano liberation struggle. I will post more as I get it.
The Chilili land grant was known because it maintained most of its land from before it was under Mexican sovereignty. It is still governed by a board of trustees. As seen in the pamphlet above, the struggle for the land grants is ongoing.
Here is a report about a legal struggle that started in the 1980’s.
In Chilili, another incident that brought up the sovereignty of the land grant was when the trustee president of the land grant rented out land to a movie production company but claimed by another person who is Anglo.
What this shows is that the militant component of the Chicano Movement was at its peak in the 1970’s, when many tendencies embraced armed struggle. For Chicanos, this time period saw many land grant battles. One of these was at the Tierra Amarilla grant in the 1980’s. Many more. They show that the struggle for Chicano liberation was recognized as one about land.
This is a video I did from the August 29th march in Los Angeles this year:
This is my chronicle from the August 29th Chicano Moratorium Commemoration in Los Angeles this year in 2015.
The history of the Chicano Moratorium held on August 29th, 1970 in Los Angeles is important in Chicano/Mexicano history. The attacks by the Los Angeles police resulted in three dead, the first martyrs of the movement. Two of them were members of the Brown Berets, Lyn Ward and Angel Diaz. The third was more well known, Ruben Salazar. He was a journalist for the Los Angeles Times and later a reporter for a local television station. He was a Chicano who was a mainstream journalist, and although he was one who not directly involved in the Chicano Movement, at the time he was one who articulated their views to a wide mainstream audience. His death ended a promising life. It also was a turning point in the Movement, and showed the stakes ahead for those involved.
Nearly every year since then the Moratorium has been commemorated, and August 29th has become known as Chicano Memorial Day, to remember those who lost their life on this day.
In Los Angeles this year, for the 45th anniversary, there were two marches for August 29th. One was held in East Los Angeles and recreated the original route from 1970, ending at the park which has been renamed Salazar Park in honor of Ruben Salazar. The other was held in Pacoima, a suburb of Los Angeles. This was related to politics around the National Chicano Moratorium Committee that started a few years back from now. From this, that is all I will say on it, as I am not that familiar with the politics on the ground here in Los Angeles to take a side of either. Some information is available online, and I will allow those who have experience on it to comment on it if they deem necessary. With that, as I was attending out of town, I could only attend one event, so this account is from the march in East Los Angeles.
The march participants gathered in the early morning on Saturday August 29th on the outskirts of East Los Angeles, on a route that would lead it to Whittier Blvd, down to where the original march ended. Some of the Organizers included members of Union Del Barrio, Brown Beret National Organization, and other autonomous Brown Beret organizations.
There was a minor occurance at the beginning when some supporters of Bernie Sanders attempted to coopt the march by waving their candidate signs to vote for him in the election. The organizers stood forth that the message of the march would be that of self-determination, and while supporters would be welcome to participate in the march, the march itself would not be seen as advocating for any candidate. It was the right move, as this should not be seen as endorsing any candidate in the electoral system. Also there are many problems with Bernie Sanders from an anti-imperialist perspective, and many speakers later called him out for his politics. This was the right move by the organizers.
About 100 participants started the march. Others joined in as the march progressed. It was emphasized at the beginning that the march was not just a commemoration but to rally around issues still relevant today. Chants included remembrances of Salazar, Diaz and Ward. Further chants included “Zapata Vive, La Lucha Sigue;” “Somos Un Pueblo Sin Fronteras;” “Esta Es Mi Tierra, Esta Es Mi Lucha;” “Chicano Power;” Signs included ones advocating for the 43 missing students in Ayotzinapa. Many people waved Mexican flags, along with other progressive and revolutionary signs and flags. The march was received well by many people along the route.
The march ended at Salazar Park. Different groups were tabling. Speakers gave speeches on the history of the three martyrs from this day, and on the need to continue the struggle the Chicano people are facing. Other groups gave solidarity statements. There was a wide variety of music entertainment, including a performance by Aztlan Underground.
Above all, the August 29th Commemoration here went well, was inspiring, and was an honor to be part of this event. As many of the speakers stated this day, it was not only to remember this day but to continue the struggle. This is a reminder that to honor those before us we must put forward the struggle for national liberation.
I am currently in Los Angeles to observe the anniversary of the Chicano Moratorium against the Vietnam War, which happened August 29th, 1970. It is observed as a Chicano Memorial Day because of the three martyrs that happened on this day.
Here are some videos about this day:
Some raw footage of the August 29th protest and subsequent events afterward:
BBC interview with Chicano Moratorium Committee chair Rosalio Munoz: http://www.bbc.com/news/magazine-34006603
Older interview with Rosalio Munoz. Has good insight on the history, but do not endorse the reformist message at the end:
I have predicted here that the rhetoric spewed by the campaign of Donald Trump, like other quasi-fascist movements before it, would lead to more violence against Mexican people. Here is one documented case that is linked to it.(http://www.nydailynews.com/news/politics/trump-denounces-violence-supporters-beat-mexican-man-article-1.2333353)
Two brothers, Scott and Steve Leader, of Boston, were arrested Wednesday after a 58-year-old Hispanic man was beaten with a metal pole in the Dorchester neighborhood. Police said the attackers urinated in the victim’s face.
“Donald Trump was right — all these illegals need to be deported,” Steve Leader said after his arrest, police told the Boston Globe.
The consul of Mexico has spoken out about the man being a citizen of Mexico who they would protect, along with taking “the necessary measures to defend the rights and interests of Mexicans.” The Mexican consulate has before in the early 20th century played a role in protecting the rights and interests of Mexican people residing in the borders of the United States. This does not take into ignoring the dirty war waged by the government of Mexico against its own citizens. Absent any independent power by the Chicano and Mexicano people, the role of the consulates will be a contradiction we face in the protracted struggle for national liberation.
Donald Trump’s popularity is built around scapegoating of Mexicans. Because of him, policies like eliminating birthright citizenship guaranteed by the 14th Amendment, mass deportations of undocumented peoples, and calls to build a massive border wall, have entered into the political discourse once again. It continues with his mysogyny and China bashing among his other reactionary agendas. The racism, xenophobia, and nativism, the great country chauvinism of the “Make America Great Again” slogan. Shouts of “White Power” are heard at some of his nearly all-white rallies, and open white supremacists have endorsed him. All give a sense of fascism around the Trump campaign. He is a buffoon, as were Hitler and Mussolino, who came to power on demogoguery. With thuggish supporters beating up the targets of his hate, the Brownshirt component of that checklist is one more.
Many have been talking about this column in Newsweek, coming from a libertarian perspective, that asks outright “Is Donald Trump a Fascist.” It’s too early to use the F word about Trump and his campaign, but it is clear we need to organize to stop it from getting any clearer. A declining empire will have a class that will resort to fascism, especially among the white settler elements of the labor aristocracy. It also is likely that because of the outrageousness of Trump, other candidates, both Republican and Democrat, will advocate those same policies without the theatrics of Trump and be seen as mainstream.
The Chicano/Mexicano people have been on the receiving end of settler hate tendencies of the United States before, many showing the signs of fascism. Most recently this nativist sentiment came up last year in 2014, with the crisis of refugee children. Nearly 60,000 children fleeing violence in Central America to the United States were attached by white racist settler mobs mobilized against them. Before that a decade before, there was the Minutemen vigilantes, before they got subsumed into the Tea Party. Many other attacks have come before that. And many more will come.
Trump is likely to create a new opening for this sentiment that is at the heart of a settler empire.
The violence by police and non-state whites waged against the New Afrikan people shows the wave against another internal colony in the U.S. The state and extra-legal settler-based armed militias are used against both of our populations.
It is clear that we need to study up on the nature of fascism, and start organizing against it, especially with an alternative to the liberal/NGO model prevalent in our communities. It is also clear that being an internal colony in a settler state, this violence is nothing new to our people, and does not need a fascist impulse to be a danger. These moments are opportune for education and consciousness raising, for if they are attacking us for who we are, we need a solid understanding of who we are to defeat these enemies.